Research Paper on Critical Race Theory

According to critical race theory, racism is an inherent part of American society and is embedded in the laws, policies, and institutions that support and reproduce racial inequalities. Critical race theory can be described as “an intellectual movement focused on developing ‘new theories & strategies’ for analyzing and critiquing multiple forms of racism (Delgado 4).” Key tenets of critical race theory include racism being regarded as normal, racial hierarchy as a result of racism, race as a social construction (Delgado 7), and intersectionality (Delgado 9). There are three main themes in this book: revisionist history, a critique of liberal beliefs about color blindness and legal rights, and new narratives. Minorities' experiences are given additional weight in revisionist history, as it reexamines America's historical past. A critique of liberal belief in color blindness and legal rights refers to racism being ingrained in our minds and social structures (Delgado 22). Concepts such as "theoretical/conceptual whiteness," "racial sub personhood," and "racial contract and polity" derive from Charles Mills and are examples of critical race theory's central themes. We can observe the historical reality through Edward Baptist on the "left hand," and the 13th documentary about the prison-industrial complex.

Charles Mills' focus is largely on three areas: theoretical/conceptual whiteness, personal experience of sub personhood, and racial contract and polity, which are all intertwined as examples of critical race theory. Whiteness is a philosophical perspective on race and racism expressed as a concept. Mills describes racial sub personhood as, “an entity which, because of phenotype, seems (from, of course, the perspective of the categorizer) human in some respects but not in others (Mills BV 7).” Racial sub-personhood is about the individual assumption of race. A racial contract is binding, consisting of formal and informal demarcation. Through the 3/5ths compromise, the thirteenth amendment loophole, legalization of sub personhood, and segregation, racial contracts have been documented in history. Historically, racial contracts have shown how America is framed for racial hierarchy and unequal treatment. The racial contract serves as the basis of society, referring to the codification of sub personhood and settler states. Polity focuses mostly on settler states, and how America is founded on violence. For example, mass genocide of indigenous people and mass enslavement. Theoretical and conceptual whiteness, personal experience of sub-personhood, and racial contract and polity are evidence of how racism is embedded in American society.

A right-hand power represents left-hand dominance, for example, the plantation economy. In ‘The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism,’ Edward Baptist states, “entrepreneurs created new ways to finance and transport and commodify "hands." And, given a finite number of captives in their control, entrepreneurs created a complex of labor control practices that enslaved people called “the pushing system (Baptist 116-117).” Profit was gained by increasing the amount of land that was cultivated by captives and by using torture to exert pressure on all hands. Baptists pictures the task system by describing that, “on a day when he had to chop weeds, his "task" was to cultivate an acre of rice and no more... Those who finished early could tend their gardens, help others to work, or simply relax for an hour or two (Baptist 115).” As a result of there being less direct supervision in the task system, there is more leisure time, and it is inefficient. “This gang system relied on direct surveillance of labor (Baptist 9).” Surveillance is conducted directly by an overseer, resulting in greater productivity. While left-hand power is primarily seen as a symbol of resistance, violence is not equivalent to resistance. Plantation economies stabilized as they adopted the gang and pushing systems, which were balanced by more violence. As a result of the violence, there is a type of education through dominance, as seen through the whip acting as technology, along with the violence of the pushing system leading to obedience, docility, and acceptance of the slave states, which is also related to sub-personhood.  Subpersonhood can also be seen through the term “cotton hands” where the slaves were seen as living tools. They were a part of a system of calculation, a quota tied to a system of punishment where individual creativity was measured against long-term health. This resulted in a separation of mind and body, as a result of the efficiency required, repetition, and the push for more productivity. 

The United States has one of the highest prison population rates in the world, and the 13th Amendment allows freedom to all but criminals. This documentary on the prison industrial complex offers insight into the historical reality of "racial sub personhood" and "racial politics" in America. The documentary emphasizes slavery as an economic system. After the 13th amendment, African Americans were arrested for minor crimes to rebuild the economy, and people of color were overrepresented as criminals in the media. During the 'war on drugs,' African Americans were incarcerated in mass numbers and portrayed as "superpredators." Other racial polities and sub-personhood examples include Bush winning the election by encouraging fear among blacks, the George Zimmerman v. Trevon case, and corporate profits from punishment. 

"The politics of black joy" can be a source of "refusal" of anti-black racism, and in 'The Politics of Black Joy: Zora Neale Hurston and Neo-abolitionism,' Lindsay Stewart highlights the distinction between resistance and refusal. The politics of black joy challenge neo-abolitionism, a political tradition that reduces southern Black life to tragedy. A key difference between refusal and resistance is the way each concept treats the search for political recognition. Stewart states, “Resistance locks us into a life-and-death struggle with our oppressor for recognition. In contrast, refusal withholds recognition of the oppressor’s power or authority to define our lives (Stewart 33).” Rootwork plays a major role in distinguishing between refusal and resistance. Rootwork can be defined “as the ground or conditions of possibility for refusals to be defined (or recognized) by our oppressors (Stewart 33).” The figure of a refusal is through the use and practice of mojo bags. Stewart explains that mojo bags were used to “direct spirits, diagnose, protect, and foretell,” as long as being involved in “luck management.” John de Conquer is being used in similar ways (Stewart 103-104).

 The laws, policies, and institutions that support and reproduce racial inequity are complicit in racial discrimination in American society. "Theoretical/conceptual whiteness," "racial sub personhood," and "racial contract and polity" are all fundamental concepts to critical race theory. Edward Baptist on the "left hand," allows us to observe historical reality through entrepreneurs inventing new ways to finance, transport, and commodify "hands." Considering they controlled a finite number of people, entrepreneurs developed a work control system that enslaved people, or "the pushing system". The 13th documentary about the prison-industrial complex also allows us to observe historical reality by emphasizing slavery as an economic system. A neo-abolitionism that reduces southern Black life to tragedy is challenged by the politics of black joy, which highlights the key differences between refusal and resistance. In conclusion, critical race theory and black philosophy are important because it focuses on centering black voices and experiences by redrawing conceptual maps, and retelling historical narratives in order to analyze and critique anti-black ideas and practices. It is also significant in cultivating understanding and solidarity for the goals of black freedom and flourishing. Anti-black white racism has affected both black individuals and the black community.